CAN HOFFA DELIVER?

Vol. 8, No. 2
April, 1999



	Can Hoffa Deliver on His Promises? In the course of his election campaign, James P. Hoffa, president-elect of the 1.4 million-member International Brotherhood of Teamsters, made a series of promises to rebuild the union to its former powerhouse stature in the labor movement. A Detroit lawyer with clients among local Teamster unions, he has never held elective office within the IBT and lacks hands-on experience either as a negotiator, organizer or administrator of a union of some 540 locals. His popularity among union members is based on the hope that he can restore the union to the power it enjoyed under his father, the legendary Jimmy Hoffa. He also proved to be a tireless and resourceful campaigner and had the backing of 90 percent of the union officers, because they believed he would be a strong supporter of local autonomy, which meant non-interference in how they ran their locals. Although Hoffa has been an unknown quantity in the labor movement and was opposed by most of the AFL-CIO's top leaders, he will be able to swing considerable weight in his new position and as a member of the federation's executive council. He got off to a good start when President John Sweeney welcomed him at a press conference during the council's quarterly meeting in Miami. Hoffa replied by telling Sweeney: "I want it to be known right from the start that I am absolutely committed to working with you and the AFL-CIO to advance the cause of working families." That evening, he was given a reception, sponsored by the United Auto Workers, Building and Construction Trades Department and Transportation Department. Hoffa Faces Daunting Challenges While he may be making some progress in his relations with AFL-CIO leaders, his biggest problems are within his own union, which he is committed to solve in the remaining three years of his tenure: • Can he unify a union that has been fiercely divided for the past several years and has undergone three bitterly-contested elections? • Can he institute reforms that will rid the union of its crime-tainted image? • Can he rebuild the union to its peak 2.3 million membership that it had when his father was international union president? • What can he do about the union's depleted treasury? Can he balance the union budget without raising membership dues, as he had promised? • Given his inexperience and his determination to get rid of the union's existing top staff, what kind of staff people will he surround himself with? • Will he be able to win the full-time jobs that the United Parcel Service agreed to in its contract with the union and has since reneged on its promises? • Will he comply with the AFL-CIO's political program for Election 2000 or will he pursue an independent position? Reformers will Be Watching How the new IBT president deals with these questions will be closely watched by the Teamsters for a Democratic Union, a dissident rank-and-file group, and its candidate in the recent election, Tom Leedham. Leedham received 39 percent of the vote against Hoffa's 55 percent, despite a campaign in which he had only five months to become well-known and only a fraction of Hoffa's funds. Teamsters will be watching what Hoffa can deliver when the contract for 12,000 car haulers, who deliver autos from factories to dealers, will be renegotiated in May. And there are 10,000 Northwest Airlines flight attendants who have been working without a contract for more than two years. There are grievances aplenty throughout the union that will require Hoffa's immediate attention as soon as he steps into his presidential office. A major test is whether he will be able to get United Parcel Service to comply with its 1997 agreement to create 10,000 new full-time jobs by combining part-time jobs, a provision in the strike settlement. The 8,000 members at Anheuser-Busch, who are working on a unilaterally-imposed management contract, would like to see the Hoffa magic gain back the concessions they have been compelled to make to the brewing company. Since 1995, about 3,000 employees at Overnight Transportation, the nation's largest non-union carrier, have joined the Teamsters. Hoffa could emerge a hero if he capitalizes on the organizing momentum at Overnight to win a contract from a trucking company that has resisted unionization for 40 years. Will Hoffa Act Against Corruption? One major test confronting Hoffa will be when and to what extent he moves against corrupt union officers and undemocratic practices within the international union. Because of his close ties to officials who have been charged with criminal activity, and the financial irregularities in his election campaign, his critics will be watching him closely. It won't help his reputation that three of the vice presidents on his election slate are facing serious charges by the Justice Department-appointed Independent Review Board that could lead to their dismissal. And will Hoffa risk antagonizing his supporters by putting a cap on the excessive salaries of many local union officers, or exercising greater vigilance over union welfare and pension funds? It is possible that Hoffa may confound his detractors by proving to be a militant and effective labor leader. If he moves energetically in a progressive direction and carries out the basic reforms that can rejuvenate the union, he may yet win over his critics within and outside the union. What is clear is that he faces a formidable task.

Can Hoffa Deliver on His Promises?

In the course of his election campaign, James P. Hoffa, president-elect of the 1.4 million-member International Brotherhood of Teamsters, made a series of promises to rebuild the union to its former powerhouse stature in the labor movement.

A Detroit lawyer with clients among local Teamster unions, he has never held elective office within the IBT and lacks hands-on experience either as a negotiator, organizer or administrator of a union of some 540 locals. His popularity among union members is based on the hope that he can restore the union to the power it enjoyed under his father, the legendary Jimmy Hoffa. He also proved to be a tireless and resourceful campaigner and had the backing of 90 percent of the union officers, because they believed he would be a strong supporter of local autonomy, which meant non-interference in how they ran their locals.

Although Hoffa has been an unknown quantity in the labor movement and was opposed by most of the AFL-CIO's top leaders, he will be able to swing considerable weight in his new position and as a member of the federation's executive council. He got off to a good start when President John Sweeney welcomed him at a press conference during the council's quarterly meeting in Miami. Hoffa replied by telling Sweeney: "I want it to be known right from the start that I am absolutely committed to working with you and the AFL-CIO to advance the cause of working families." That evening, he was given a reception, sponsored by the United Auto Workers, Building and Construction Trades Department and Transportation Department.

Hoffa Faces Daunting Challenges

While he may be making some progress in his relations with AFL-CIO leaders, his biggest problems are within his own union, which he is committed to solve in the remaining three years of his tenure:

• Can he unify a union that has been fiercely divided for the past several years and has undergone three bitterly-contested elections?

• Can he institute reforms that will rid the union of its crime-tainted image?

• Can he rebuild the union to its peak 2.3 million membership that it had when his father was international union president?

• What can he do about the union's depleted treasury? Can he balance the union budget without raising membership dues, as he had promised?

• Given his inexperience and his determination to get rid of the union's existing top staff, what kind of staff people will he surround himself with?

• Will he be able to win the full-time jobs that the United Parcel Service agreed to in its contract with the union and has since reneged on its promises?

• Will he comply with the AFL-CIO's political program for Election 2000 or will he pursue an independent position?

Reformers will Be Watching

How the new IBT president deals with these questions will be closely watched by the Teamsters for a Democratic Union, a dissident rank-and-file group, and its candidate in the recent election, Tom Leedham. Leedham received 39 percent of the vote against Hoffa's 55 percent, despite a campaign in which he had only five months to become well-known and only a fraction of Hoffa's funds.

Teamsters will be watching what Hoffa can deliver when the contract for 12,000 car haulers, who deliver autos from factories to dealers, will be renegotiated in May. And there are 10,000 Northwest Airlines flight attendants who have been working without a contract for more than two years. There are grievances aplenty throughout the union that will require Hoffa's immediate attention as soon as he steps into his presidential office. A major test is whether he will be able to get United Parcel Service to comply with its 1997 agreement to create 10,000 new full-time jobs by combining part-time jobs, a provision in the strike settlement.

The 8,000 members at Anheuser-Busch, who are working on a unilaterally-imposed management contract, would like to see the Hoffa magic gain back the concessions they have been compelled to make to the brewing company.

Since 1995, about 3,000 employees at Overnight Transportation, the nation's largest non-union carrier, have joined the Teamsters. Hoffa could emerge a hero if he capitalizes on the organizing momentum at Overnight to win a contract from a trucking company that has resisted unionization for 40 years.

Will Hoffa Act Against Corruption?

One major test confronting Hoffa will be when and to what extent he moves against corrupt union officers and undemocratic practices within the international union. Because of his close ties to officials who have been charged with criminal activity, and the financial irregularities in his election campaign, his critics will be watching him closely. It won't help his reputation that three of the vice presidents on his election slate are facing serious charges by the Justice Department-appointed Independent Review Board that could lead to their dismissal. And will Hoffa risk antagonizing his supporters by putting a cap on the excessive salaries of many local union officers, or exercising greater vigilance over union welfare and pension funds?

It is possible that Hoffa may confound his detractors by proving to be a militant and effective labor leader. If he moves energetically in a progressive direction and carries out the basic reforms that can rejuvenate the union, he may yet win over his critics within and outside the union. What is clear is that he faces a formidable task.

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